Findings from the burgeoning study of subjective well-being (SWB) are both interesting and important in terms of their relation to well-being simpliciter. For this reason, the study of SWB is beginning to attract the attention of the media, laypersons and public policy practitioners. However, the ways in which SWB findings are normatively important are controversial and unclear. This is not a good situation for the study of SWB; in order for such findings to be used effectively, the study of SWB needs a normative framework that most people can agree on.
In this paper, I show that attempts to find an essential relationship between SWB and well-being simpliciter have not as yet been successful (in terms of being generally accepted), but to pursue this debate may mask the areas in which there is general agreement. It may be more helpful (both to an eventually accepted theory and to laypersons and policymakers in the meantime) to start with uncontroversial relationships between SWB and well-being simpliciter. I outline three contingent significant relationships between SWB and well-being simpliciter, which all people can agree on. Together, these three relationships should form the normative framework for the study of subjective well-being.
The full podcast of Sam's paper is here: http://www.bppa-online.org/sites/bppa-online.org/files/symposium/swl-pod...
A pdf version of Sam's paper is here: http://www.bppa-online.org/sites/bppa-online.org/files/symposium/swl-Apr...
See the comments for Guy Fletcher's response
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Response: Guy Fletcher
I enjoyed reading and thinking about this paper and it raises a number of interesting questions. I’ll start off with some small comments and then move on to more general points about Sam’s views and his discussion.
(1) Clarification: Is a normative framework for the study of subjective well-being a view of the relationship between subjective well-being (SWB) and well-being generally (WB)? I think that this is what Sam suggests but I wasn’t completely sure at first.
(2) On page 1, Sam distinguishes three different ways of measuring SWB. The third of these he characterises thus:
“positive functioning i.e. a subject’s sense of autonomy, mastery, purpose, connectedness to people, etc.”
He characterises this as partly objective because “it consists of an individual’s attitudes towards certain aspects of his or her life that are considered by researchers to be important in terms of people’s well-being (such as one’s relationships, competence, autonomy etc).”
My main question is how exactly this kind of view is to be interpreted in the case of people who have false beliefs. The person who is highly non-autonomous but mistakenly believes themselves to be autonomous presumably reports having a strong “sense of autonomy”. What would the positive functioning view say in this case? And, in comparison, what of the person who is autonomous, connected to people, full of purpose, but who doesn’t have a strong sense of having these things (if this is possible)?
(3) Sam claims (page 2) that:
“For some, SWB research is considered to be of upmost importance…For others, however, SWB research is considered to be more trivial, and for that reason can be fairly readily dismissed. Note that the disagreement here is not between those who think that SWB findings are valid and those that do not. Rather, the issue here is the extent to which supposedly valid SWB findings are normatively relevant to well-being and thereby public policy. This concerns people’s views about the relationship between SWB and well-being simpliciter. On the one hand, proponents of (valid) SWB findings claim that such findings are of considerable relevance to well-being; on the other hand, opponents of (valid) SWB findings claim that such findings are of relatively little relevance to well-being.”
I thought that this might be too quick. Couldn’t someone agree that SWB is highly important to WB but nonetheless think that findings from SWB should have little or no effect on public policy? Why might they think that? Well, one rationale could be that governments should only attend to differences between citizens with respect to some aspects of well-being but not others. This could be on the grounds of privacy (that investigating SWB would be too intrusive) for example.
(4) In Sam’s nice discussion of views that posit a necessary connection between SWB and Well-Being generally he distinguishes the views thus:
“The first broad kind of accounts consist in the view that certain mental states are in themselves intrinsically prudentially valuable, and thereby either wholly or partially constitutive of well- being. The second broad kind of accounts consist in the view that certain appropriate mental states (i.e., certain mental states caused by the attainment of objective goods) are intrinsically prudentially valuable, and thereby either wholly or partially constitutive of well-being.”
I can see two different ways of interpreting the second kind of view. I’ll use the following convention of enclosing the thing that contributes to Well-Being in < >.
Sam’s first class of views we can thus represent:
1. <Mental State>
The second class of views could be interpreted as either:
2a. <Mental State> But only if suitably related to Objective Goods
2b. <Mental State suitably related to Objective Goods>
Sam might be treating the difference between 2a and 2b as irrelevant for his purposes but the difference between them might have important consequences elsewhere. It bears on how we interpret Sam’s use of “intrinsically” in talking about something’s being “intrinsically prudentially valuable”. Sam might be merely referring to the relation of being non-instrumentally prudentially valuable, or he might be referring to a stronger view, namely that prudential value supervenes only on the intrinsic properties of its bearers (for discussion of these issues see e.g. Dale Dorsey’s “Intrinsic Value and the Supervenience Principle”, Phil Studies 2010).
(5) Sam introduces the view that pleasure always contributes to WB. He thinks that problems for such a view come from the fact if it were committed to saying that all pleasures contribute to WB, regardless of their source (including whether they are false, malicious or base). Thus Sam thinks that we cannot use this claim about the connection between SWB and WB - that pleasure, an aspect of SWB, always contributes to WB - because there is too much disagreement.
I wonder whether Sam is too pessimistic here. For one thing it’s not obvious that the view that not all pleasures are prudentially valuable is widespread so it’s not clear that this is an entrenched widespread disagreement. Furthermore, remember that Sam describes his aim as that of providing a normative framework that “most people can agree on” (p.1). This presents (at least) three possibilities that Sam overlooks:
(i) That pleasure does in fact always contribute to WB, regardless of its source
(ii) That even if pleasure doesn’t always contribute to WB regardless of its source there might be widespread agreement about broad classes of pleasures and we could use this as a normative framework for interpreting findings from SWB.
(iii) That even if pleasure doesn’t always contribute to well-being regardless of its source, this might be sufficiently close to the truth (and sufficiently widely held) that we could use this as a normative framework for interpreting findings from SWB.
(6) I wondered what Sam would think of the following suggestion (one that I’m at least initially attracted to so I’d be glad to hear if it’s wrong-headed): perhaps there are these problems with interpreting SWB. But what about negative subjective well-being (Subjective Ill-Being)? It seems much less plausible to think that pains based on false beliefs are any less prudentially disvaluable. And the same seems initially plausible for all of the classes where in the case of pleasure there is room for doubt about prudential value (base and malicious cases). Could we then focus on Subjective Ill-Being as an area where there is likely to be more agreement? At first glance it seems that we have generally more agreement about the bad things in life than the good things so perhaps we should focus there.
(7) Sam’s positive proposal for developing a framework takes the form of three contingent relationships. First, that people tend to care about SWB. Second, that positive SWB tends to include positive valuations of one’s life (and its prudential value). Third, that SWB has motivational and cognitive benefits.
I wanted first of all to check that I’ve glossed these accurately. But I also thought it might also be worth expanding upon the third of them. For there seems to be a pleasing nexus between a number of different theories of well-being that arises here thus:
Positive well-being is strongly correlated with people’s ability and motivation to pursue goals. By pursuing their goals people will tend to satisfy their desires. People’s desires tend to include the satisfaction of their basic needs. By acting people will also tend to develop talents and abilities and form relationships.
All of these have “tend to” qualifiers but they do suggest that there is a way to secure broad agreement between different theories of well-being about why SWB is important.
(8) Finally, Sam says:
“With this more sophisticated level of understanding in place, we can begin to interpret SWB findings, such as the Easterlin Pradox, in a clear and uncontroversial manner. Only with such a normative framework in hand, can SWB findings begin to justifiably receive the interest and importance that they deserve.”
I’d like to hear more about how the framework will assist here as it wasn’t clear (to me at least) why the interpretation of the Easterlin paradox required a normative framework for SWB.
***
Many thanks to the BPPA for inviting me to be a commentator on Sam’s paper, which I’ve greatly enjoyed thinking about, and look forward to discussing further.
Guy Fletcher, University of Edinburgh
Re: Guy's comments
Thank you for the BPPA for including my essay and podcast in this series, and many thanks to Guy Fletcher for his insightful comments (looking forward to the rest!). I’ve responded to Guy’s comments in turn below, with his questions in italics.
1. Clarification: Is a normative framework for the study of subjective well-being a view of the relationship between subjective well-being (SWB) and well-being generally (WB)?
Yes! However, an adequate normative framework for the study of SWB consists in a view of the relationship between SWB and WB, which meets certain criteria (in particular, in the essay, I focus on the criterion for consensus).
2. My main question is how exactly this kind of view is to be interpreted in the case of people who have false beliefs. The person who is highly non-autonomous but mistakenly believes themselves to be autonomous presumably reports having a strong “sense of autonomy”. What would the positive functioning view say in this case? And, in comparison, what of the person who is autonomous, connected to people, full of purpose, but who doesn’t have a strong sense of having these things (if this is possible)?
This is a good point, and one that hasn’t been sufficiently raised in the ‘positive functioning’/‘eduaimonic well-being’ literature. Psychologists tend to assume that people’s attitudes towards their well-being will be accurate, based on the fact that measures of such attitudes are both reliable (i.e., consistent over time) and valid (i.e., correlate with other relevant constructs). But I agree that, if psychologists claimed that it is the intentional attitudes themselves that matter, such as a sense of autonomy (rather the states of the world that such attitudes point towards), then accounts of ‘positive functioning’ are not objective in the same way that hybrid theories of well-being tend to be. I’m not sure which way psychologists would go in this respect. I suspect that some would favour one interpretation, whereas others would favour the other. So we might end up with both ‘mental-state’ and ‘hybrid’ interpretations of ‘positive functioning’ accounts.
3. Couldn’t someone agree that SWB is highly important to WB but nonetheless think that findings from SWB should have little or no effect on public policy? Why might they think that? Well, one rationale could be that governments should only attend to differences between citizens with respect to some aspects of well-being but not others. This could be on the grounds of privacy (that investigating SWB would be too intrusive) for example.
I agree that this is possible. Indeed, someone could agree that SWB is highly important to WB but nonetheless think that findings from SWB should have little or no effect on public policy simply on the grounds that WB in general should have no little or no effect on public policy. I should have made this clearer. The disagreement I am interested in neither concerns (a) the validity of SWB findings, nor (b) the use of SWB or WB in public policy. Rather, it concerns the relevance of SWB to WB.
4. I’m not sure what I think about this one – I’ll think about it some more! (Unfortunately, on the website, Guy’s notation doesn’t seem to have come across properly…)
5. Guy presents three possible consensus views over the relevance of pleasure to WB:
(i) That pleasure does in fact always contribute to WB, regardless of its source.
(ii) That even if pleasure doesn’t always contribute to WB regardless of its source there might be widespread agreement about broad classes of pleasures and we could use this as a normative framework for interpreting findings from SWB.
(iii) That even if pleasure doesn’t always contribute to well-being regardless of its source, this might be sufficiently close to the truth (and sufficiently widely held) that we could use this as a normative framework for interpreting findings from SWB.
I think the first view is false. People across cultures vary in their beliefs towards the intrinsic prudential value of pleasure (or similar positive emotions, such as happiness) (Scollon, Diener, Oishi, & Biswas-Diener, 2004). For example, work by Uchida and colleagues (Uchida & Kitayama, 2009; Uchida, Norasakkunkit, & Kitayama, 2004) found that in North American cultural contexts, WB tends to be defined in terms of personal hedonic experience and personal achievement, whereas in East Asian contexts WB tends to be defined in terms of social harmony.
I think there may be two versions of the second view, and I’m not sure which one Guy has in mind. First, people may generally agree on the kinds of pleasurable emotions that are intrinsically prudentially valuable (i.e., joy, satisfaction, stimulation, contentment, pride, etc.). Second, people may generally agree on the kinds of pleasures from certain sources that are intrinsically valuable (i.e., pleasure from relationships, skilled activity, autonomy, etc.). I think that both versions are also false, for similar reasons for the falsity of the previous view. That is, I don’t think that you’ll find widespread agreement over either the kinds of pleasurable emotions or the kinds of pleasures from certain sources that always contribute towards WB. Moreover, in terms of the latter version, even if you did find some kind of general agreement over the sources of pleasure, I think there will remain additional problems with this approach, which I outline on page 5.
Lastly, I think the third view is correct! I consider the first contingent relationship that I outline (on page 5-6) to be a version of this view.
6. Could we then focus on Subjective Ill-Being as an area where there is likely to be more agreement? At first glance it seems that we have generally more agreement about the bad things in life than the good things so perhaps we should focus there.
I am tempted by this view – pain certainly seems like a bad thing, regardless of whether people disvalue it or not. But, upon reflection, I’m not sure whether there is any substantive difference between SWB and SIB. It’s not difficult to imagine someone who values experiencing pain. And I’m not just thinking of sadomasochistic people. Consider people who hold the personal motto “no pain no gain”. In general, appropriate subjective ill-being is both cognitively and motivationally useful. Now, I agree that inappropriate subjective ill-being (such as cases of chronic pain) is not useful, and is bad for people. For this reason there is general agreement that such cases contribute negatively to WB. But I think that such clear-cut cases are the exception, not the norm.
7. I agree that the cognitive and motivational benefits of SWB seem to correlate with a number of different theories of well-being – I’m glad Guy pointed this out as I think it’s important. I also agree that it suggests that there is a way to secure broad agreement between different theories of well-being about why SWB is (contingently) important. In fact, I think that the second contingent relationships that I outline, namely that SWB tends to track WB, also shares this feature, insofar as SWB tends to track desire-satisfaction, basic need- and nature-fulfilment.
This leaves us with a consensus view of how and why SWB tends to be important. Which is great news. What we need to know now is when SWB is not important in these ways. That is, when does SWB not track desire-satisfaction or basic need-fulfilment? Or, when does SWB not help people pursue their goals and satisfy their desires? Once these holes in our knowledge have been filled, we will be left with a comprehensive consensus view of the prudential value of SWB.